As captured in the equality clause of South Africa’s Bill of Rights,
“everyone is equal before the law”, wherein “equality includes the full
and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms”.
Those rights and freedoms encompass the political, civil, legal,
environmental, social, economic and cultural. Simply put, all of our
democratic rights and associated freedoms are indivisible.
Unfortunately, it would appear as though Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng,
alongside many of our politicians and citizens need to be reminded of
this basic democratic principle.
Much of the furore and debate that has surfaced over the recent public
comments made by the Chief Justice have revolved around his argument
that South Africa “can only become a better people if religion could be
allowed to influence the laws that govern our daily lives starting with
the Constitution …”
More specifically Mogoeng’s contention that a wide range of societal
problems such as “maladministration, crime, corruption [and] dishonesty”
along with (religiously-infused and defined) personal behaviour/action
such as “adultery, fornication [and] divorce” would, “be effectively
turned around significantly, if religion were to be factored into the
law-making process”, really stirred the pot.
While there are certainly many reasons to be seriously concerned about
the Chief Justice’s views, whether from a legal, moral or political
perspective, much of the ensuing commentary has unfortunately revolved
around whether he should have even made his views public. This is a
false debate. We cannot pick and choose which rights and freedoms can or
cannot be enjoyed and by whom simply because we don’t like them or
because of the individual’s institutional standing.
However, there is a more fundamentally worrying aspect of Mogoeng’s
utterances that has been largely ignored. As opposed to merely conveying
the hope that religion (in particular his own variant) might, at some
point, play a more prominent role in shaping the law, Mogoeng explicitly
stated that “laws must be enacted to advance and not to narrow the
operation of, the right to freedom of religion”.
While a strong case can certainly be made for appropriate laws in
countries that presently have little or no constitutional or other legal
protection when it comes to the “right of freedom of religion”, the
immediate question that arises for those who live in South Africa is why
on earth would we need such additional laws?
The right to freedom of religion is already constitutionally protected
and unlike a host of other rights and freedoms, such as the right to a
range of basic needs/services as well as the right to freedom of
expression and access to information, there are no discernable
contemporary threats or politically-motivated attempts to undermine this
particular right.
Given the lack of an objective basis for Mogoeng’s call - as
specifically applied to South Africa - it is then to the subjective that
we must turn. In this respect, the only rational explanation is that
the Chief Justice desires to see the right to freedom of religion given
special legal and political treatment and protection above and beyond
that accorded to all other rights and freedoms contained in the
Constitution.
On the juridical front such a desire, if practically realised, would
clearly be unconstitutional. We live in a democracy in which our
constitution clearly delineates that there is no hierarchy of rights and
where every right/freedom contained therein may be limited by a law of
general application. As the Bill of Rights avers and which Deputy Chief
Justice Moseneke specifically reminded us of not long ago, the right to
religious freedom is not absolute and its scope may be limited by other
rights.
Further though, in his recent comments Mogoeng painted a picture of
imminent and dark threats to freedom of religion (in all “pluralistic
societies” in Africa), imbuing the associated right with an almost
super-natural character. He stated: “Religious freedom is … a bulwark
against violent extremism [and] failure to respect and entrench the
culture of religious freedom could result in a climate of intolerance
and impunity that emboldens those who ferment hatred and violence in our
societies.”
Leaving aside the hyperbole and ahistorical bent, such claims, when
placed in the context of Mogoeng’s well-publicised views on religion,
social relations and his political pedigree, surface a decidedly
negative interpretation. In this reading, Mogoeng’s comments are much
closer to the discourse of the religious right in the USA.
In the ‘land of the free’, the (Christian) religious right have
successfully used the call for expanded freedom of religion, always
making sure to accentuate its positive societal attributes, to cover for
the championing of laws, social attitudes and political practices that
practically encourage and entrench a climate of intolerance, impunity
and hatred. Under this cover, there is now an ever-expanding campaign to
effectively by-pass whatever jurisprudence that clashes with the values
and practices of such self-constructed ‘freedom of religion’.
Anyone, and in the USA there are many, who has tried to remind the
religious right that freedom of religion does not trump all the other
rights and freedoms in that country’s Bill of Rights, have themselves
been accused of intolerance, of attempting to impose ‘a dictatorship of
secularism’ and yes, of directly opposing the word and will of God (in
this case, the Christian variety). You get the picture.
Back in 2000 the Constitutional Court ruled, in the case of Christian
Education South Africa v Minister of Education that the right to freedom
of religion did not entitle Christian private schools to carry out
their biblically-sourced belief in corporal punishment. It was a simple
case of applying South Africa’s general law which prohibits corporal
punishment in schools on an equal basis. In other words, there are no
exceptions on the basis of ‘the right to freedom of religion’.
Mogoeng has publicly stated that he would not allow his
religiously-sanctioned homophobia to supersede the constitutional
protection of same-sex relationships. However, the point here is not so
much about the direct imposition of specific religious beliefs in law
but about using freedom of religion to sanction and rationalise a
parallel legal and social world that stands above and beyond other
rights and freedoms.
Will the present Chief Justice allow his religious fervour, under the
cover of advancing the “right to freedom of religion”, to muddy our
constitutional and societal waters? We should know soon enough.
By
Dr. McKinley, an independent writer, researcher and lecturer as well as political activist.
from here
Commentary and analysis to persuade people to become socialist and to act for themselves, organizing democratically and without leaders, to bring about a world of common ownership and free access. We are solely concerned with building a movement of socialists for socialism. We are not reformists with a programme of policies to patch up capitalism.
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