Barely a
month after President Lungu swore in his new-look cabinet into office
in September last year the country was hit sudden hike in field pump
prices. A liter of petrol jumped up to K13.70 from K11.50 and diesel
is now selling at K11.50 from K8.70 a liter. The rise in fuel prices
has translated into the rise in other prices – especially
mealie-meal which shot up from K75 per 25kg bag of breakfast to Kl10.
Subsidies
on fuel were removed by the late President Sata way back in 2012 in
order to disadvantage fuel vendors who were deemed the main
beneficiaries. But the removal of subsidies on fuel in particular
gave rise to unanticipated economic and social problems.
Indeed
consumption subsidies by their nature only benefit the rich in
society given the fact that the majority of Zambian workers and
peasant farmers get a meagre income of K1200 (minimum wage).
The 'poor
oriented' budget came in 2017 annual budget presented to parliament
by the newly appointed Finance Minister Felix Mutati on 11 November
in what was dubbed 'Zambia plus'. The 2017 Budget seems to be a plan
to change Zambia stalled economy. The economic recovery programme
sets out to restore economic stability and aims to scale up
government social protection programmes so as to protect the most
vulnerable in society from the negative impacts of macro-economic
programmes. To quote from Felix Mutati's budgetary speech: 'The
government aims to improve economic and fiscal governance by raising
levels of accountability and transparency in the allocation and use
of public money.'
The 2017
budges (K64 billion) is believed to be a self-grown budget mostly
funded by internal borrowing. It holds a lot of promise to the
workers earning K3000 and below who are exempted from paying PAYE.
The Finance
Minister Felix Mutati is a veteran MMD president and was recently
appointed by President Lungu to replace PF Finance Minister Alexander
Chikwanda. The appointment of Mutati was foreshadowed by his support
of the PF during the 11 August presidential election. More
or less it is an infusion of new blood into the PF of whose original
members have mostly resigned.
The
fight against corruption
During the
past years President Lungu has been blamed among other things for
having been too silent on corruption. The President came out now into
the open during the inauguration speech that he was going to stamp
out corruption from the PF. The first victim of the fight against
corruption was the former Minister of Broadcasting and Information,
Mr. Chishimba Kambwili, who was recently dismissed on allegations of
corruption.
Far back in
2012 the late President Michael Sata had cautioned the
anti-corruption Commission against investigating and indicting
serving cabinet ministers. It is alleged that Chishimba Kambwili, the
most outspoken and versatile of politicians, has amassed large
amounts of wealth. It has been revealed that Kambwili recently
purchased a fleet of thirty articulated trucks worth billions of
kwacha. It is also on record that he owns a construction company that
has failed to complete the construction of clinics and schools
despite having been paid in full by the government.
In Zambia
must cabinet ministers and members of parliament own private
enterprises that are awarded tenders to supply building materials,
food to hospitals and uniforms for nurses and police offices etc. It
is also on record that the government has been in most cases failing
to pay private contractors in time – thus the failure to complete
public projects. More or less the fight against corruption is in most
cases a jaundiced political tactic as most ministers who have been
indicted for corruption have not yet been imprisoned. People were not
surprised when President Lungu recently announced that he was
forgoing 50 percent of his salary to sacrifice for national
development.
The fall
of the Post newspaper
The
sensational and notorious Post newspaper was finally
liquidated and placed under receivership in October after having had
filed to remit K80 billion owed to the Zambia Revenue Authority in
taxes. It is also alleged that the Post had accumulated debts
and outstanding salaries totalling some K228 billion. The paper was a
thorn in the flesh of most politicians ever since it was founded in
1992.
The Post
newspaper was part of the culture of political democracy, defined as
the right to media freedom and political transparency. Though
claiming for speaking on behalf of the silent majority and
politically non-partisan, the newspaper took sides in Zambian
domestic political. It was a tool of political propaganda.
It was
owned by Mutembo Nchito and partners and it may not appear as a
surprise to many people that its liquidation brought to the
conclusion the embittered political career of Mutembo Nchito after he
was fired as director of public prosecution on 10 August last year.
This was after the tribunal appointed to investigate him had
presented its recommendation to President Lungu.
The
tribunal concluded that terms of reference number 2 – alleged grave
misconduct or misbehaviour by the DPP – when on February 20, 2015,
the DPP temporarily took over prosecution of a case before senior
resident magistrate Jack Mwale. In the afore-mentioned case the DPP
was the accused person and proceeded to enter a nolle prosequi
in his own recognition, thereby defeating the ends of justice
which has been proved against him.
During the
past three years the Post was a mouthpiece of the UPND in
terms of political propaganda (coverage). This was especially evident
during the 11 August presidential political campaigns. The former
Information Minister, Chishimba Kambwili, will be remembered for
having threatened the Post with liquidation during the recent
past year. The liquidation of the newspaper was precipitated by its
employees who had sued the company for bankruptcy for non-payment of
accumulated salaries.
Tribalism
at the helm
During the
presentation of his inauguration speech on 11 September President
Lungu went on to assure the people of Zambia that he was going to
appoint a Commission of Inquiry to find out the people behind an
ethnic fracas that look place in Namwala when a mob of Tonga
tribesmen descended upon some Bemba-speaking residents ransacked and
evicted them from their homes. This was after it was announced that
PF president Lungu had won the elections. It was an expression of
political dissatisfaction and UPND leader Hichilema had disputed the
election results. President Lungu had defeated Hichilema by a slim
margin of 100,530 votes during an election that has left Zambia
divided in terms of political and tribal loyalties (regional)
tribalism in Zambia today is perceived to be a cultural traditional
and political antagonism between those who voted for the PF and UPND
respectively.
Ever since
he succeeded the late Anderson Mazoka as president of the UPND in
2005 Hichilema has been championing tribalism by parading himself as
a political spokesman of the Tonga tribe. The UPND leader is renown
for promoting, organizing and inciting political hooliganism during
election campaigns. It is Hichilema who has been spearheading the
culture of political and ethnic antagonism (defined as tribalism)
between Tonga, Lozi and Bemba tribe. The UPND alleges that the Tonga
in particular has been politically marginalized ever since the dawn
of political pluralism.
The veteran
Zambian politician and member of the UPND Daniel Mukombwe even went
to the extent of advocating the rotation of the presidency between
Tonga, Lozi and Bemba tribe's every after four years. The reluctance
of Hichilema to accept the results of the 11 August presidential
election gave vent to heightened feelings of ethnic and political
marginalization among UPND supporters throughout Zambia.
Conclusion
Because
Zambia is dubbed a Christian nation, the extent to which Christianity
is helping to restrain ethnic and tribal prejudice needs to be
appreciated. The moral and ethnic value of Christianity blends well
with the PF slogan of 'One Zambia One Nation' and is visible
among the street vendors that congest along Chisokone Avenue in Kitwe
town centre who seems little affected by the hike of fuel and mealie
meal price.
The
Labour movement in Zambia seems to be far removed from awakening
class political struggle in that the trade unions play a minor role
in the day-to-day social problems facing the working class. Because
the social and economic problems Zambia is experiencing originate
from capitalism, they cannot be resolved from within the social and
economic programme implemented by government. Social poverty is here
to stay.
K.
MULENGA
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