For centuries, outside powers have clashed in Africa, often exploiting weaknesses or divisions across the continent to grasp at power and resources. The second half of the 19th century, for instance, saw the “scramble for Africa” as European nations divided nearly all of the continent into colonies. Several times competition between colonial powers nearly led to war in Europe. In the second half of the 20th century, during the Cold War, Africa was torn as Western nations—first the outgoing European colonizers and later the United States—supported friendly governments and political movements against allies of the Soviet Union, China and Cuba.
Knowing about the past does not always prevent repeating it. There are signs that another round of competition between external powers in Africa may be on the way. If history holds, this one could end up as badly for the continent as past ones. In the 19th and 20th century, the external powers involved in Africa were mostly after the same thing: control of territory, the allegiance of friendly regimes or access to raw material. Today the major external actors in Africa have different motives and goals.
China, the other global power active across Africa, no longer seeks alliances with like-minded regimes like it did during the Cold War, but rather markets and raw materials. From 1995 to 2015, trade between China and countries in sub-Saharan Africa grew 40-fold. By 2015, over 20 percent of overall exports from Africa headed for China. Along the way, the continent has become China’s second-largest supplier of petroleum after the Middle East. Beijing, in turn, has invested heavily in African infrastructure and developed markets for Chinese manufactured goods. China is becoming more deeply involved in African security to protect its commercial interests and citizens. China feels the impact of terrorism: In 2015, three employees of the China Railway Construction Corporation were killed during a militant attack in Bamako, Mali. Many Chinese ships have been targeted by Somali pirates in recent years. China has responded with an increased role in peacekeeping and anti-piracy operations in Africa. China recently opened its first military base outside Asia in the tiny nation of Djibouti in the Horn of Africa. Chinese officials have stated that the purpose of the base is to support their anti-piracy efforts off the coast of Somalia, but security forecasting company Stratfor noted that it could be used to project Chinese airpower in Africa if Beijing wanted.
America’s is also concerned in quelling extremism, particularly violent Islamic extremism. Al-Qaida has offshoots and partners across much of the northern half of Africa and tentacles in other parts. Like Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, Donald Trump is using the U.S. military, particularly special operations forces, to help African security forces find, understand, contain and hopefully eradicate armed extremist movements. European nations, such as the United Kingdom, France and Portugal—all former colonial powers in Africa—are working in conjunction with the United States to strengthen African security forces.
Other external powers may also expand their activities in Africa. Last month, Turkey opened its largest overseas base in Somalia, where it will train some 10,000 Somali troops. Writing for Defense One, Abdi Latif Dahir argued that Africa“remains central” to Turkey’s “global expansion strategy.” Russia was deeply involved in Africa during the Cold War and would like to revive its arms sales there. So too would North Korea. And there is always a chance that Iran will pursue a foothold in Africa as a platform for its wider ambitions.
In 1898, there was a war scare in Europe sparked by an incident in the town of Fashoda on the White Nile, in what is now South Sudan. British and French forces on the ground there briefly confronted each other over control of an isolated fort. In the context of Great Britain and France’s imperial tussle for control of East Africa, the standoff quickly escalated back home, inflaming British and French public opinion and leading to calls for war. The British and French governments, as well as others in Europe with their own colonial interests in Africa, did not intend for this to happen, but events nearly spiraled beyond their control before they reached an agreement to de-escalate. The United States must remember this bit of history. As external powers maneuver in Africa, American policymakers must be careful to avoid some modern-day reprise of the Fashoda Incident.
https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/23362/great-power-competition-is-back-in-africa-could-the-u-s-and-others-collide
Knowing about the past does not always prevent repeating it. There are signs that another round of competition between external powers in Africa may be on the way. If history holds, this one could end up as badly for the continent as past ones. In the 19th and 20th century, the external powers involved in Africa were mostly after the same thing: control of territory, the allegiance of friendly regimes or access to raw material. Today the major external actors in Africa have different motives and goals.
China, the other global power active across Africa, no longer seeks alliances with like-minded regimes like it did during the Cold War, but rather markets and raw materials. From 1995 to 2015, trade between China and countries in sub-Saharan Africa grew 40-fold. By 2015, over 20 percent of overall exports from Africa headed for China. Along the way, the continent has become China’s second-largest supplier of petroleum after the Middle East. Beijing, in turn, has invested heavily in African infrastructure and developed markets for Chinese manufactured goods. China is becoming more deeply involved in African security to protect its commercial interests and citizens. China feels the impact of terrorism: In 2015, three employees of the China Railway Construction Corporation were killed during a militant attack in Bamako, Mali. Many Chinese ships have been targeted by Somali pirates in recent years. China has responded with an increased role in peacekeeping and anti-piracy operations in Africa. China recently opened its first military base outside Asia in the tiny nation of Djibouti in the Horn of Africa. Chinese officials have stated that the purpose of the base is to support their anti-piracy efforts off the coast of Somalia, but security forecasting company Stratfor noted that it could be used to project Chinese airpower in Africa if Beijing wanted.
America’s is also concerned in quelling extremism, particularly violent Islamic extremism. Al-Qaida has offshoots and partners across much of the northern half of Africa and tentacles in other parts. Like Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, Donald Trump is using the U.S. military, particularly special operations forces, to help African security forces find, understand, contain and hopefully eradicate armed extremist movements. European nations, such as the United Kingdom, France and Portugal—all former colonial powers in Africa—are working in conjunction with the United States to strengthen African security forces.
Other external powers may also expand their activities in Africa. Last month, Turkey opened its largest overseas base in Somalia, where it will train some 10,000 Somali troops. Writing for Defense One, Abdi Latif Dahir argued that Africa“remains central” to Turkey’s “global expansion strategy.” Russia was deeply involved in Africa during the Cold War and would like to revive its arms sales there. So too would North Korea. And there is always a chance that Iran will pursue a foothold in Africa as a platform for its wider ambitions.
In 1898, there was a war scare in Europe sparked by an incident in the town of Fashoda on the White Nile, in what is now South Sudan. British and French forces on the ground there briefly confronted each other over control of an isolated fort. In the context of Great Britain and France’s imperial tussle for control of East Africa, the standoff quickly escalated back home, inflaming British and French public opinion and leading to calls for war. The British and French governments, as well as others in Europe with their own colonial interests in Africa, did not intend for this to happen, but events nearly spiraled beyond their control before they reached an agreement to de-escalate. The United States must remember this bit of history. As external powers maneuver in Africa, American policymakers must be careful to avoid some modern-day reprise of the Fashoda Incident.
https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/23362/great-power-competition-is-back-in-africa-could-the-u-s-and-others-collide
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