She also pointed out that external actors, the aid donors,
the World Bank and the IMF who drove the structural adjustment economic reforms
of the 1990s and 2000s and left African citizens with no part to play in making
the national choices for development. These reforms were necessary, she said,
but “The ownership of the process by African citizens has been the missing
link." The next stage of development, said Oby, can only be done with the
participation of the people, "no external force can do that... The change
you have been waiting for will not come from the elite class waking up and
having an epiphany. The change has to be made by the people. They are the only
ones who can."
Dismissing the current crop of African rulers, she expressed
her pride in the people of Burkina Faso for the uprising that ejected President
Blaise Compaoré, who ruled there for 27 years. The leaders "absolutely
don't care" about their own citizens, she said, but spend their time among
the global elite "all of whom have each other's' phone numbers".
She urged the African diaspora to return to Africa and lead
the struggle.
Put aside the oil and mineral-rich countries in Africa, and,
as Oby pointed out, you find that the fastest growers are those with stability
and strong institutions such as effective ministries that deliver health and education
to their people. In turn these attract aid and investment. These countries are
Rwanda, Ethiopia, Uganda, Mozambique and Tanzania.
But what else do they have in common? Ethiopia and Rwanda
are top-down dictatorships ruled by parties that fought their way to power and
have ruled since 1991 and 1994 respectively. They deliver health and education
to their people but they do not allow freedom of speech or association. Their
media are tightly controlled. Uganda is a less powerful dictatorship but President
Yoweri Museveni also came to power through the barrel of a gun in 1986 and his
army has controlled the country ever since. The 'Walk to Work' mass movement in
2011, which complained about lack of services and high prices, was brutally
suppressed.
Museveni was forced by aid donors to open up politics and he
now has to put up with a rumbustious parliament and a moderately free press. A
grumpy population, especially in the capital, might vote for someone else if
they were sure that someone was allowed to run in a fair election. That is
unlikely. At election times the state, including the police and the army, is an
extension of the ruling party.
Mozambique and Tanzania are still run by the parties that
led those countries at independence. Both will soon become exceedingly rich
because of oil and gas; God-given resources that are profoundly
anti-democratic.
Oil-rich countries do not need to raise taxes from their
people, they mainline millions from oil companies straight into the treasury.
So whoever is in power when those revenues begin to flow may stay there for
decades. There is still some democratic space in these countries and there are
real national debates with opposition parties in both of them, although it is
unlikely that an opposition party could win without provoking violent reactions
from the ruling parties.
So is benign dictatorship the best Africans can hope for?
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